The international situation and our tasks as the contradiction and conflict between the imperialists intensifies


Our world is under the yoke of the capitalist-imperialist system. The imperialists direct the world both through the countries they dominate and through their collaborators in dependent countries. This system as a whole is the sole cause of all the internal and regional wars in the world. Millions of people are displaced and migrate because of these wars and the deterioration of working and living conditions. The imperialist system is responsible for the mass deaths and all the suffering caused by them. Just as it is the only one responsible for hunger, poverty and unemployment.

On the other hand, the developments defined as the “climate crisis”, which are the direct product of the excessive profit greed of the imperialist capitalist system, are rapidly dragging the world towards an ecological catastrophe. In the rapidly desertifying world, water reserves are depleting, agricultural lands are disappearing, forests are depleting, species in the seas are gradually decreasing, animal species are disappearing and so on.

The bottom line is that the future that capitalism promises to humanity is destruction and death! The salvation of humanity and the world is possible only through the radical overthrow of the imperialist system.

The Crisis of Imperialism Continues!

The present crisis of the imperialist capitalist system is closely related to the world economy, which has never recovered from the mortgage crisis that started in the USA in 2007. The crisis, the first signs of which appeared in 2007 and spread in 2008, has emerged as one of the deepest and longest structural crises experienced by the imperialist-capitalist system. Although weak recoveries have been achieved from time to time with various moves, today the 2008 crisis is still effective all over the world and has deepened even more with the pandemic.

It is known that the crises of the capitalist imperialist system emerge as sudden and forced solutions that enable the evaporation of the surplus capital arising as a result of overproduction in the system and thus enable the system to reproduce itself. And it explodes at the point where the existing system does not reproduce itself as a result of the contradictions it has revealed. While localised crises are relatively easy to solve, structural crises indicate the comatose state of the system.

The present crisis of the imperialist capitalist system is also structural and more severe than the previous crises of 1857, 1929 and 1974. The crisis of imperialist capitalism is a crisis centred on US imperialism, which emerged as a hegemonic power among the imperialist powers after the Second Imperialist War. And it has emerged not only economically but also politically, militarily, and in parallel with these, ecologically, socially and culturally, and is still being experienced in this way.

The system emerged from its crisis in 1974 through the so-called “neo-liberal” policies implemented under the leadership of US and British imperialism. These policies, which were reflected in the countries dependent on imperialism (colonial and semi-colonial), were called liberalisation, deregulation and privatisation. The aim of the neo-liberal policies was to gradually scythe down all the obstacles standing in the way of capital in order for the imperialist-capitalist system to emerge from the crisis, especially the gains of the “welfare state” and the “social state”, which emerged as a product of Keynesian policies under the pressure of the socialist system in the conditions of the world where the USSR and the People’s Republic of China existed.

With the laws and steps taken in line with neo-liberal policies, it was aimed that imperialist financial capital, using the advantages of the development of technology, could reach everywhere in the world at full speed without any bureaucratic and legal obstacles and retreat when necessary. Another aim of these policies was the reorganisation of the international division of labour. The new division of labour aimed to fragment every stage of production and to expand informal production dependent on monopoly capital. This was aimed at fragmenting the proletariat and labourers on the basis of the stages of production, thus making it more difficult for them to come together against exploitation.

The political pillar of neo-liberalism, which was put into practice in the economic sphere, aimed at making the states compatible with these policies. The concept of “social state”, which we have pointed out above, was replaced by the downsizing of the state on the grounds that it was not right for the state to intervene in the market and provide services such as “education”, “health”, “transport”, etc., and with the propaganda that these services should be made more functional, a wave of intense attacks on the gains of the proletariat and labourers was launched. With this wave of attacks, the proletariat, wage earners, small and medium producers found themselves in extremely unequal conditions in the so-called “free market”.

In other words, in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolutions, liberal policies were reproduced as neo-liberal policies and the “wild capitalism” practices of the era of free competitive capitalism were updated. Thus, the proletariat and labourers have been subjected to low wages, flexible and precarious work, deunionisation, privatisation and monetisation of basic services provided by the state, abolition of support policies for agriculture, opening up agricultural areas to imperialist multinational companies, etc.

Of course, this process was not easy for both the imperialists and the international proletariat and the oppressed peoples of the world. The attacks carried out in line with neo-liberal policies were met with resistance. For this reason, they were implemented with intense pressure and violence. In many countries, fascist military coups were carried out through covert operations. Military fascist dictatorships tried to ensure the implementation of these policies.

The neo-liberal policies implemented by the imperialist capitalist system in order to get out of the crisis have not only been implemented economically and in parallel with this through the reorganisation of states. At the same time, a wave of ideological attacks has also been developed in order to reshape societies and to legitimise the attack and produce consent. People started to talk about “the end of classes and class struggle”, “the end of history”, “democracy” was rediscovered and it was claimed that “Marxism is dead”!

The Bankruptcy of Neo-liberalism!

The end of this period, despite some regional crises in between, was realised with the crisis that emerged in 2007-2008 with the bursting of the real estate (mortgage crisis) bubble in the USA. Despite all its efforts, the imperialist-capitalist system could not prevent the decline in profit rates in the real sector, unemployment, which is inherent to the capitalist system, became structural, aggregate demand declined and capital turned to rent and speculation in the field of finance. Parallel to this, the decline in the rate of profit in the sectors that produce surplus-value has continued at increasing rates. These developments have occurred precisely in accordance with the “law of falling rates of profit” expressed by K. Marx in his analysis of the capitalist system. Capital did not stop where the rate of profit fell, but shifted to other areas to realise its exploitation.

As Lenin clearly demonstrated, one of the distinguishing features of imperialism is the export of capital. From the beginning of the evolution of capitalism into imperialism, a significant amount of the export of capital was based on debt, but after the 1880s borrowing and the amount of money without real equivalent turned into a bubble that blocked real production and suffocated its realisation.

In addition to the bankruptcy of the neo-liberal policies that the imperialist capitalist system put into practice in order to overcome its crisis, the interventions made in the name of solving the crisis have perpetuated the problem rather than solving it, and moreover, they have made the rich richer and the poor poorer. In this

way, it has once again been revealed how approaches such as the free market, equality of competition, the inefficient being eliminated by the market, which are among the most important ideological propaganda bases of neo-liberalism, are false arguments.

At the current stage, as we have concretised with the data above, trillions of dollars have been dispatched to the market without any return, let alone destroying the excess capital, which is the cause of the crisis. In other words, the causes that led to the crisis are not only not standing still, but are constantly reproduced by the system itself.

The economic crisis of 1929 was “overcome” with Keynesian policies and state ownership of many organisations and enterprises. The crisis of the 1970s was “overcome” by the imperialist capital turning towards semi-colonial countries with neo-liberal policies and continuing its exploitation. However, this latest crisis, which started in 2008, cannot be overcome. In other words, we have entered a period in which the crisis has spread over many years and the crisis has become protracted.

As a result, neo-liberal policies, which were once the saviour of imperialism against the crisis, are bankrupt. Imperialist capitalism cannot overcome its structural crisis. This leads to new searches and conflicts and sharpens the contradictions and conflicts between imperialists. As a matter of fact, the war on Syria and Ukraine, the coups in Africa, the “trade wars” between China and the USA and the increase in the arms race between the imperialist blocs and the shows of power based on these are reflections of this situation.

On the other hand, when the imperialist capitalist system cannot overcome its own crisis, it turns to populist policies and leads to the strengthening of racist, xenophobic fascist parties and currents, paving the way for these parties to form governments or become government partners. Bourgeois democracy once again calls fascism to duty!

Inter-imperialist Contradictions, Competition and Market Sharing

In today’s world, as imperialist powers and blocs, the bloc formed by NATO member imperialists such as Britain, Germany and France, led by the USA, and the bloc led by Russia and social imperialist China, direct all policies in the world as the powers of the imperialist system, and the contradictions and conflicts between them continue at full speed with their struggle to be effective and the only power.

At the root of the contradiction between imperialists lies the struggle for the possession of markets. The struggle for political hegemony in order to gain more profit is the basis of the contradiction of ruling the world. This points to the continuity of contradictions between imperialists. This state of continuity also forms the basis of the conflict among themselves.

As long as the imperialist system exists, this contradiction will continue to exist. Although contradiction and rivalry remain permanent, this does not exclude the possibility of a world war, even if it does not always lead to a total war (i.e. a world war). As long as the imperialist system exists, there is always the possibility of a new imperialist war. From today’s point of view, it is seen that the contradiction between the imperialist power centres is gradually moving towards an “unresolvable” situation.

The imperialist system also means crisis. The size and scale of the crisis is also decisive for the future of the system. The failure to overcome the crisis, the imperialists’ increasing interventions in each other’s hegemony areas, the growing contradictions between them, the clearer separation of the imperialist blocs, the enormous scale of armament, the extent of class struggles in the imperialist countries and in the colonial and semi-colonial countries are the factors that prepare the ground for the rise of the possibility of war.

At the current stage, the US, British and European imperialists and the imperialists of China and Russia, who emerged on the stage of history after them, have confronted each other as hostile powers, and the blocs have become more and more distinct. The proxy wars that have been waged until now have taken on a new dimension in Syria and since last year in Ukraine, where they have directly intervened in the war when

proxies were not enough. The struggle for interests and influence between these powers and the countries lined up behind them has taken flesh and bones in the Middle East, Latin America, Africa, Asia-Pacific and finally in Ukraine. Because the war in Ukraine is being fought between the imperialist war machine NATO and Russian imperialism, which is trying to hide behind the Ukrainian people. NATO’s move in Ukraine and Russia’s subsequent invasion attack further exacerbated the conflict between the imperialists and increased the risk of a new world war in which nuclear weapons will also come into play.

On the other hand, under the present conditions, Chinese social imperialism is unquestionably recognised by all other imperialist powers and countries as a power whose rise cannot be prevented. China as a rising imperialist power; its population, industrial production and its share in the world markets, its nuclear power, its capital exports, its population activity in Africa, its investments in the EU and the USA and its money reserves are the factors in the rise of China. This is also the basis of the contradiction between China and other imperialist countries.

China has entered many countries where it was previously absent under the name of infrastructure and trade. It has entered the markets of many countries by financing investments such as high speed railways, ports, power plants, oil-gas pipelines. With these infrastructure projects, countries incur excessive debts in a short period of time. For example, in recent years, it has been taking steps to realise the “One Belt One Road” project. The characteristic of this project is that it is not only an economic project, but also a “military- economic-political” domination project that extends vertically from China to Europe and branches out to the countries around it. The project aims at a process in which hegemony-subordination relations are renewed and change hands. When the project is analysed, just like in the first development process of imperialism, it includes a series of objectives from the construction and operation of the project to the commodification of underground and above-ground resources in the regions where it is implemented, the marketing of commodities produced within national borders and the ownership of the resulting profit. Obviously, in this form, the project aims to dominate new markets and to capture markets from rival imperialist powers.

China is taking steps not only on land but also at sea, and is slowly but decisively moving forward to dominate the world markets. One of these steps is port enterprises, which are important in international maritime transport. China is acquiring or acquiring the right to operate port enterprises in many parts of the world. For this purpose, it has purchased or leased many ports such as Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Greece (Piraeus Port), Germany (Hamburg Port), Israel (Haifa Port) for periods up to centuries.

US imperialism, which is of course a close follower of this situation, has placed China at the centre in its strategic security documents since the Obama era, and during the Obama era, it was decided to give military priority to rapidly encircling China from the Middle East. However, mainly in the Trump era, China was put as a clear threat in the struggle for hegemony and was defined as a “global threat” in the 2017 Strategy Document. Biden also did not change his China policy. During this period, some moves were made to encircle China, and the most important pillar of the encirclement was Taiwan. While US imperialism took steps to encircle and strangle Russia through Ukraine, it tried to encircle China from the Pacific by fuelling the China-Taiwan dispute. On the other hand, it is reinforcing this encirclement by bringing Japan, South Korea and Australia together against China (AUKUS Agreement) and reviving the QUAD Alliance, which is also a partnership of the USA, India, Australia and Japan. The announcement of a $600 billion road project at the G7 Summit in September 2023 was developed in response to China’s “One Road One Belt” project, and the placing of India at the centre of the project is the result of an effort to put India at the forefront against China.

NATO, the war machine, at the centre of the inter-imperialist conflict

As it is known, NATO, led by the USA, one of the imperialist blocs, did not disintegrate even though its raison d’être disappeared after the Soviet Union threw off its “socialist” mask and openly joined the capitalist system, and started to be used as an occupation tool to exploit the resources of states that turned towards capitalist transformation after the experience of socialism.

NATO, which played an active role in the disintegration of Yugoslavia, also guarded the exploitation activities of international finance capital in the process of plundering the resources of Afghanistan. The moves of China and Russia, the two developing imperialist powers in the world, to open up space in international trade and exploitation relations in their own favour, but to the detriment of the EU and US imperialists, have evolved into NATO being brought to the fore as a threat against these countries. Finally, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine emerged as a response to the US and EU imperialists’ strategy to contain Russia through NATO.

NATO’s de facto expansion against Russia and China in line with the interests of the US, UK and EU imperialists, and its military build-up on the borders of China and Russia can be considered as the evolution of the capitalist-imperialist rivalry between NATO members and Russia and China into a military phase. This is explicitly stated in the declaration published after the NATO summit in June 2022: “The deepening strategic partnership between China and Russia and their attempts to undermine the rules-based international order are contrary to our values and interests. We will work together with heightened awareness and responsibility to counter threats from China.” … “The Russian Federation is the most serious and direct threat to the security of our allies and to stability and peace in the Euro-Atlantic region.” … “China’s ambitions and coercive policies challenge our interests, our security, our values.” With these arguments, NATO’s combat power will be increased at this summit against the Chinese and Russian bloc. It was decided to increase NATO’s military strength from 40,000 to 300,000.

As mentioned above, the AUKUS Agreement signed between the USA, Australia and Japan means the construction of a similar organisation to NATO for the Pacific, and the direct target of this formation is Chinese social imperialism. Similarly, the US’s increasing military presence in Taiwan in recent years, its efforts to create a war corridor through some para-military groups in Myanmar, which has a strategic importance on China’s energy resources, gain even more importance in the conjuncture where US-British imperialism against China imposes trade restrictions and bans on some goods that are important in the war industry, such as semiconductors or micro-chips.

All these and similar agreements and moves are part of the growing danger of the transition from the political to the military dimension of the economic rivalry between the imperialists.

How Close is the Third World War?

The thesis that wars are inevitable as long as imperialism exists is still valid. Against those who claimed that imperialist wars had become impossible at the end of World War II, Stalin cited Lenin’s statement and said that such an idea was anti-Leninist. Indeed, imperialist wars are a product of monopoly capitalism. They arise out of inter-monopoly competition and are a phenomenon independent of the will of the monopolies. To argue that imperialist wars in general will disappear without destroying imperialism is to revise Lenin’s basic thesis on this issue. “And this balance sheet shows that as long as private property in the means of production exists, on this economic basis, imperialist wars will be absolutely inevitable.”

The two great wars of division are sufficient proof of this. The changing situation in the world after the Second Imperialist Division War played an important role in postponing imperialist wars. The Soviet Union’s burial of Hitler’s fascism in the dustbin of history, the establishment of a series of people’s republics in Eastern European countries, the triumph of the Chinese Revolution, the youth movement of 1968, social liberation movements, the defeat of the US in Vietnam and popular movements around the world were developments that set imperialism back. When Stalin said, “If it were not for the communist parties waging a determined struggle against imperialist wars, the imperialists would have been at each other’s throats by now, and if it were not for the USSR, which with its peaceful policy was a great obstacle to the provocation of a new war, the imperialists would not be afraid to weaken each other and facilitate the rupture of the imperialist front again” (Stalin, vol. 9, p. 255), he was underlining a fact in bold lines. To all this, we can say that the increase in nuclear weapons has had a partial effect in postponing the war.

The world today is different from it was in the years after the Second Imperialist War. The absence of a socialist state and a socialist bloc provides the imperialists with great opportunities for them to play around. Under the Soviet Union, the policy of “peace” and calls for “disarmament” were strategically important to corner the imperialists. Today there is neither a socialist world nor socialist countries to defend, even individually. This shows that there is no “world in which we can live in peace” either. The strategic task today is to wage an all-out struggle against imperialism.

An imperialist world war is not impossible as long as imperialism exists. The fight for markets is a strategic issue that the imperialists can never give up. The constant increase in production and the inability to find a market for the goods produced is the cause of inter-imperialist wars.

The economic crisis that has been raging around the world for the last two decades has still not been fully overcome. This is the biggest dilemma of the imperialist system. In 2008, the housing crisis that started in the US turned into a global economic crisis in a noticeably brief time, affecting the whole world. This was followed by the crises of 2009 and beyond. With the pandemic, the looming crisis brought a series of crises around the world. Increasing unemployment, food crisis, health crisis continues to trigger each other. With the pandemic, although the imperialist countries tried to prevent the bankruptcy of the imperialist monopolies by allocating billions of dollars from their central budgets, the crisis has not been overcome as a whole.

The imperialist system as a whole and the imperialist countries as individual parts of this system continue to struggle for the redistribution of existing markets to overcome the crisis. The conflicts between the imperialists continue today mainly through regional wars. The recent history of the invasion of Iraq, the Syrian civil war, the invasion of Libya and today’s war in Ukraine should be read in this way.

What distinguishes the Ukrainian war from other regional wars is that it is taking place on European soil. The fact that other regional wars have developed outside Europe has not made the process so controversial. The reason those who are not so interested in a war far away from them, those who close their eyes to the massacres, looting and massacres in the occupied countries, are so interested in Ukraine today is that the war is taking place “on their doorstep”. The US invasions and massacres in Iraq, Syria and Libya are a recent example.

In contrast to the massacres committed by Germany, France, Britain and France in Afghanistan, and the way they swarmed into Libya together, sharing these countries among themselves and compromising without touching each other, the Ukrainian war is read as if Russia is coveting the market of the US and Western imperialist powers.

Another factor in the growing danger of a war is the changing world balance. Panicking in the face of rising Chinese imperialism, the US, British and European imperialists are constantly developing strategies to curb China. It cannot be said that they are completely successful in this. We are confronted with a world reality where the balances are changing with the cooperation of China and Russia. With the war in Ukraine, the alignments between the imperialists have become clearer. With J. Biden, the US has acted to re- establish its “leadership”, which has declined on a world scale. Putting China and Russia at its centre, the US publicly announced its new strategic goals of encircling and neutralising Russia and China in 2030, which were adopted at NATO and G7 meetings before the Ukraine war.

Having played a provocative role in the run-up to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the US, backed by NATO, has taken a crucial step towards reasserting its “world leadership”, which is gradually eroding and eroding, by drawing the European imperialists to its side. Despite the fact that all the imperialist powers taking a position against Russia are acting as a bloc, China and Russia are confronting each other as another imperialist bloc.

Another key phenomenon in increasing the danger of war is the increase in war budgets. It should not be underestimated that all countries allocated billions of dollars for armaments in the immediate aftermath of

the Ukraine war. Armaments alone are not enough to start a war. The internal fascistisation in Europe, the fascist parties becoming governments and this gradually increasing, the enactment of new police laws, the development of strategies to secure the front lines, and accordingly the redesign of semi-colonies, the change of governments through coups can be interpreted as preparations for war. Therefore, it is a fact that the danger of a third war of division is closer than ever.

Aggression of Turkish reaction

The Turkish state, which has been an important power in the Middle East, the Caucasus and the Balkans as a semi-colony of imperialism since its foundation, is not only economically but also militarily dependent on imperialist capital through its NATO membership.

The Turkish state aims to gain a share for its own benefit from the crisis between the imperialist camps, which has become increasingly evident and intensified. For this purpose, it is waging wars of aggression and occupation in the Middle East and the Caucasus with its direct military power or indirectly with the jihadist gangs it organises. These wars are unjust and reactionary wars. The Turkish state directly supported the jihadist gangs in the Syrian civil war, and when this was not enough, it deployed its own military force as an occupying force in the north of Syria. It logistically supports and protects the jihadist gangs in these regions.

The Turkish Republic carries out daily attacks against the revolutionary democratic gains of the Kurdish nation in the region, both through jihadist gangs and directly through its own military forces. Again, the Turkish state is waging a war of occupation in Iraqi Kurdistan. Similarly, in the Caucasus, it provides military support to Azerbaijan’s attack on Artsakh / Nagorno-Karabakh.

While it is clear that this aggression of the Turkish state is not independent of imperialist policies and interests as a NATO member, the scope and size of its aggression in the region is directly proportional to getting a bigger piece of the pie.

Our party has positioned its forces against this aggression of the Turkish state and is fighting against these unjust and reactionary aggressive wars of the Turkish state.

Internationalism against imperialist wars

Lenin states that during the period of imperialism, the world lands were divided and from this moment onwards, not the “seizure” of lands, but the “passing” of lands from one owner to another will take place. These developments are currently taking place in the opposition/contradiction between the Chinese and US imperialists.

All these developments and the military-economic-political results; Stalin’s statement that “Lenin had stated that under the conditions of imperialism the uneven development of capitalism and its contradictions are particularly sharpened” and “…The development of capitalism in the age of imperialism is extremely uneven and leap-like: The industry of some countries, which formerly occupied the first place, develops comparatively slowly, while other formerly backward countries catch up and overtake them by great leaps. The balance of economic and military power of the imperialist states was changing. An endeavour to redivide the world emerged. The struggle for the redivision of the world made imperialist war inevitable…” (Selected Works, vol. 15, p. 184).

Of course, in the case of a strong international communist movement, the war between the imperialists may create revolutionary situations in some parts of the world or allow the establishment of the revolutionary power of the working class in these places, but even if this is not the case, the communists must expose the imperialist powers and the nature of capitalism by stating that it can never allow humanity to live in peace; they must base their propaganda not on a passive desire for peace, but on the necessity of anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist war that must rise all over the world.

The increasing risk of direct inter-imperialist war in the world today also shows that it is impossible to find a solution to the destruction of nature by capitalists, wars, mass deaths due to hunger, deepening poverty, etc. despite capitalism and under capitalist conditions. The destruction of the capitalist system, the shattering of the capitalist state apparatuses and some counter-revolutionary unions formed by them all over the world is imperative for the future of humanity, nature and the world as a whole.

How we will respond to imperialist wars is a determining factor in how the future will be shaped. Since imperialist wars are an international endeavour, it is imperative that the response to be given should also include internationalism. It is not only imperialist wars that are international, capitalism has created an interdependent world economy in which no part can function independently. Imperialism was a key part of developing this global capitalist system. Therefore, the interests of the working class are more and more united globally. The globalisation of capitalism requires the working class to organise worldwide around its common interests. For society to progress, national borders must be broken down and replaced by the international co-operation of workers. At the moment internationalism is weak, so there is no better time than now to start rebuilding the international organisation of the masses step by step.

To do this successfully, what is needed first of all is to strengthen the local struggle in the countries. With a solid organisation within a country, the revolutionaries and people of that country will be in a better position to meet and discuss at the international level.

Secondly, concrete steps must be taken for a new international of communist parties from all over the world. This can be given a coherent answer at a moment’s notice by forming a united perspective on the advance of capitalism. This will constitute the leadership of the international proletariat.

Thirdly, a revolutionary front must be formed under the leadership of the International, involving organisations of various ideologies. This would be a broader front with the function of uniting the masses against capitalism.

On this occasion, we would also like to share the following observations made by our Party on the tasks related to the international arena in 2021.

  1. Our party is part of the international communist movement. Therefore, it considers the creation of a proletarian internationalist organization as inevitable in the struggle against imperialism and world reaction. The way to transform the slogan “Workers and oppressed peoples of all countries unite”, which Comrade Lenin left us as a legacy, into a concrete phenomenon is to create the international unity of the MLMs. TKP- ML is aware of its responsibility to fulfil its duty at this point.
  2. Today, the international communist movement is organisationally disorganised and ideologically under siege. To break this siege, there is a need for organisational unity based on minimal ideological-political unity. This organisational unity should not exclude the internal ideological struggle, on the contrary, it should include it. Of course, we should not hide our differences not only in principle but also in tactics. The main problem here is to show the ability to use the weapon of unity and criticism fully and comradely. This is not a question of intention. On the contrary, it is an internationalist task that must be carried out to ensure the unity of the international communist movement. For this reason, we should create platforms for discussion based on mutual respect and mutual listening and understanding, where we can discuss our differences and find common ground. Highlighting the points of division or not showing the necessary patience to eliminate them is not enough to understand the reality and the demands of the process we are going through.
  3. As our party expressed both during the RIM debate and later; In the current situation, an organization to be established at the international level must have flexibility within it. The present objective and, of course, subjective reality is not big enough to support an organization that dominates the central aspect. On the other hand, this flexibility should not lead to a spontaneous practice. The long-term relationships of MLM parties have such weaknesses.
  4. The forces that are more effective in the class struggle can naturally become a morally authoritarian force within the revolutionary and communist parties and organizations. This is understandable to a certain level. What should be rejected here however are the imposing and egocentric attitudes that violate the principle of mutual equality. The organizations that will create MLMs at the international level must be based on the principle of equality and political-ideological struggle. This is because opposing attitudes break the initiative of the parties and organizations that are part of the communist composition, paralyze independent thinking and eventually lead to the disintegration of unity. Historical experience has also shown that not everything that says quantitatively powerful is true. Let us look at history: The leaders who once sent the brightest rays to the peoples of the world and the parties they led got into “hard to believe” situations, turned their way to class collaboration when they were on the verge of revolutions, and hoped for help not from the world proletariat and oppressed peoples, but from the elements and institutions within the system. It is as astonishing as it is surprising. The maelstrom that occurs when large ships sink produces suffocating results that engulf anyone who is unprepared and unequipped. The history of the democratic and proletarian revolutionary processes of the CPs writes it.
  5. Organizations to be formed by MLM parties and organizations in the international plan should not exclude continental and regional organizations. On the contrary, efforts should be made to form regional and continental organizations. In such organizations, naturally, the levels of existing parties and organizations in the class struggle will impact the differences in the ideological plan and the way they act and move together. Despite all the difficulties, organizations at the regional and continental levels will also contribute positively to international work for a more intense discussion and unified practice of the concrete tasks and any success of these organizations. In all these developments, of course, the quantitative and qualitative levels of MLM forces at the regional or continental level will play a decisive role.
  6. Great forces acting on the correct line accelerate the awakening of the oppressed peoples and strengthen the idea of fighting together against imperialism and world reaction. Such a formation encourages action and support, rather than spectatorship, in the face of movements that strike at imperialism. The narrow nationalist perspectives that paralyzed proletarian thinking can only be overcome through such a revolutionary internationalist practice. If all the fraternal parties, which are part of the international proletariat, approach the problem within the framework of this historical consciousness and responsibility, a more qualified development in the elimination of ideological differences and the creation of organizational unions will be reached.
  7. The organization to be established in the international plan should not break the initiative of its members who participate in other revolutionary unions formed in the regions or in individual countries. In some countries, concrete circumstances require short- or long-term participation in such unions. In fact, our party TKP-ML is currently participating in more than one anti-imperialist anti-fascist formation. We consider it a comradely obligation to provide MLM forces with experience about the nature of these structures or to be open to criticism and suggestions about the units formed in this direction. Again, sometimes opportunistic and liquidationist forces make false and phony propaganda against MLM based on these unions. The way to prevent this black propaganda is to listen to all sides, not just one side. One-sided information often leads us to make wrong decisions. Therefore, deciding by listening to the interlocutors ensures the prevention of possible negativities.